The President’s Keepers and state capture: black intellectualism needs to focus, please


It is astonishing that a book revealing deep-rooted and widespread corruption and state capture in government should instead prompt a pointless debate about Jacques Pauw and his supposed audience.

South Africa has an undernourished literary tradition. Even among the sophisticated, one still finds confusion and struggle over what constitutes a news article, commentary, analysis, narrative journalism and so on, and why a writer might choose to employ these methods. Ask any editor and they will show you the bald spots on their heads where they have pulled out clumps of hair in frustration at somebody who has been wildly offended by an opinion column that they have mistaken for news reporting.

We must remember that in spite of all the wonderful writing that this country has produced over the centuries, the free, public space where an exchange of information and ideas can freely happen is still in its infancy.

This is how I understand the criticism levelled at Jacques Pauw for how he chose to write The President’s Keepers. Apparently the only acceptable way for him to have delivered the content was in the form of a series of news articles. This is, after all, the format that people are used to receiving Very Serious News. That he chose the narrative journalism form seems to be distracting and confusing to some.

The narrative form is otherwise widely used in journalism around the world. Readers of Charlayne Hunter-Gault, Ta-Nehisi Coates and Gary Younge ought to instantly recognise and appreciate it. Why a writer would choose to use it varies, and I am not persuaded that Pauw’s decision to employ the form is a sign of a desire on his part to anoint himself a ‘white saviour’. The choice does not alone constitute evidence. I have also had to learn over the years that any good piece of journalism I produce is necessarily going to be fodder for that corner of the population that is entrenched in its white supremacy and pores over the news every day for signs of a failed black government. They are uninteresting. They are not the point of our journalism. They cannot possibly be a distraction to the work of unearthing corruption.

The idea that the book has ignited conversation among a problematic sector of the population – and only there – is unsatisfying and untrue. If a proper analysis of the media reach of the state capture conversation in its entirety were to be taken, I am confident that the black portion of the engaged audience would dwarf the white. To narrowly focus on one subset of angry racists is to strip away the agency and engagement of black people.

To narrowly focus on Pauw at all negates the impact and direct influence of myriad black figures in the state capture conversation. Let’s leave alone that the newspaper editor at the Sunday Times who published that first, explosive book extract is black. And what of the State of Capture report, written and published by the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela? What of the revelations made by the former Government Communication and Information Service chief executive Themba Maseko, and the former African National Congress (ANC) member of parliament Vytjie Mentor, and former deputy finance minister Mcebisi Jonas that catapulted state capture into the public consciousness? What of Pravin Gordhan, the former head of treasury? I think Pauw himself would balk at the suggestion that his work has been received primarily as a nourishment to a certain white resentment – he said at his Hyde Park book launch that his book wouldn’t have been possible without the contribution of many public servants who work for this black government!

It is necessary not to read Pauw’s book in isolation. Doing so might tempt one down the ‘white saviour’ path by placing too heavy an importance on it. Reading it alongside the wonderful reporting on state capture published by amaBhungane, Daily Maverick, and others allows one to properly contextualise it. A crucial starting point is the report published by the Public Affairs Research Institute. It is only by absorbing the full repertoire, so to speak, of state capture reporting that one may accurately gauge its importance.

It is necessary to ask why state capture should worry us all beyond anything else happening in the country right now. However we might debate the ideological desirability of the constitutional state, it exists as the only meaningful tool for economic emancipation that exists for the large majority of our people. No other widely agreed upon mechanism exists. We may critique it, we may in time modify it, but we must first and foremost protect it.

The true crime of state capture then is that the constitutional state – the only meaningful tool for economic emancipation – has been stolen by a small cabal of robber barons. They have hollowed it out and if we are not awake to this danger, it will collapse on us. Nothing exists to replace it if it goes like this. Certainly, nobody could credibly claim to be able to contain the righteous rage of the millions of our people who have waited in vain for the fulfilment of the promises of 1994, while contra-constitutionalists build something else.

It concerns me deeply to see black intellectual energy more taken up by racists who hate the constitutional state than by the brutal reality of its erosion before our eyes. We need to learn to focus, and to understand that there is no economic freedom without first a constitutional state upon which to construct that freedom. And it is eroding before our eyes. The legal and social bonds that hold the state together are tearing apart. Marikana is a sign. Life Esidimeni is a sign. Fees Must Fall is a sign. The dire straits of the social grants system is a sign. This is what should be exciting our outrage.

Have we fully considered what the future holds for us as our society hurtles down this miserable pit? Forget about strategists who postulate about possible rosy scenarios. The future is bleak: we will have to postpone the developmental state for many years as we try to rebuild what has been hollowed out by the Gupta-Zuma gangster state.

If you believe that the ANC, in allowing state capture has frittered away the last of its political capacity, indeed the right to lead the country, then you must be frightened by what will come next. The International Monetary Fund (where we must, blackened and blued, inevitably end up) and the next government will impose upon South Africa an austerity that will postpone for a generation or longer much of what we might have dared to dream of.

Our country will be delivered into the hands of the sour accountants and economists and management consultants who are the carrion birds of the neo-liberal end point. Look to Greece for a taster of what lies ahead for South Africa.

The racist interpretations of Pauw’s work ultimately mean nothing. That anybody should be distracted by them in light of everything else is really quite astonishing.

Featured image via Facebook


  1. y so serious

    I’m under the impression that the major concern is not just that the narrative form was used, but that the content could easily have been written to better exclude the possibility of the book providing a sense of vindication to whites who like to scoff at the blacks being in charge. It’s part of a (especially white) writer’s job to do this.

    It’s perhaps a bit like what the Simpson’s said about fox news – “Not racist, but #1 with racists” – and the latter is avoidable.

    You haven’t shown either that the racist interpretations mean nothing, since
    These are the people whose land needs to be returned to the population as a whole
    These are the people who live in white bubbles that need popping if we are to avoid dehumanising ourselves through violence

  2. Excellent article.

    The author did not have to show that the racist interpretations mean nothing. They clearly mean very little, compare to the greater threat to the constitutional state. Your post is clearly ridden with ideological bias. Your focus seems to on the disenfranchisement of whites, rather than the wellbeing of the nation. It’s very shortsighted to think that disenfranchisement of whites will secure the wellbeing of black south Africans. It’s likely that would in fact exacerbate the problems.

    • Post above was in reference to the first comment posted. Thought the article was on point, unlike the ideological rhetoric usually peddled by this site and the gupta/sekunjalo shills.

  3. To both comments above, where is the huge ‘positive’ to be taken from this article. Why as per so many focus on perceived ‘negatives’ ?
    To Udson above, it is not clear how you derived this statment, ‘Your focus seems to on the disenfranchisement of whites…’ any reference by the author was surely to give credence to this idea, this sector, but more importantly his focus, to me was one of the most holistic i have ever read. We live in an incredible country, with incredible people, the majority of which, in my opinion, and from my experience ‘ on the ground’ are not so bigoted, so prejudiced. This, to me, in a nutshell, is about where the focus is, on the ball, or on the ‘players’.

    Sipho, in my humble opinion, an incredible article, an incredible command of the English language – from someone arguably not to shabby himself, it has been said – enviable and beautiful, an a arrangement of thought process, logical, straight forward and just simply refreshing and totally inspiring.
    Young man may you go from strength to strength, may your star continue to rise, and make us, South Africans, united, PROUD.

  4. Lol, destroyed by your own editor. Great article. It’s just a pity that such an obvious article is necessary in SA at the moment, as we are swamped by politically immature and frankly boring analysis which thinks it is a great contribution to note that whites are racist and will jump on racism. Duh. Congratulations on your daring insight as the state collapses while you are stuck talking about whites.

  5. What a Marvellous piece of intelligent commentary. I’m still trying to track down a copy of the sold out book!

    Those of us working in specialist areas such as municipal planning experience profound disconnect between the aspirations of communities and politicians with the fact of imminent fiscal austerity. Housing projects that will bankrupt teetering municipalities are being promoted without the insight (or willingness) to acknowledge that the Piggy bank has been raided, there’s no more money and those businesses and individuals that are feeding the tax base (of all races) are either in decline or shipping their assets offshore.
    A collaborative, ecumenical effort by all South Africans that share a hope for our future is needed to start to build ground-up, inclusive participation on the economy as this offers some prospects for economic resilience in the face of the increasingly inevitable austerity measures implemented in Greece.

  6. It is still a unknown chapter to many South Africans, Black, Brown and “White” that the organisation that has been at the helm of government since 1994-6 has been the most ineffective and internally divided long before all this “State Capture” business (read GuptaGate) and the horrors of the ANCs Sharpville: the Marikana Massacre. So, as a necessary corrective here is some of the suppressed history of the ANC in Exile: Red Ronnie Kasrils and the TRUTH: The interview: Ronnie Kasrils – “My duplicity goes back to the days in exile …” – TORTURE, BEATINGS AND RAPE IN ANC CAMPS IN 1969 ALREADY … FROM THE BLACK DWARF: @…/blackdwarf/index_frame.htm – _bd_issue28_complete.pdf
    Black Dwarf, 26th November, Issue 29, 1969, p.6: AFRICA DEBATE: ” … The publication o f this document brings to light and compels closer examination of the paradox of seemingly two opposing forces, namely, British Imperialism through its liberal wing and the Soviet Union, both giving support and substantial financial aid to the ANC “AntiApartheid struggle”. We cannot ignore the profound implications o f this alignment for the struggle in Southern Africa. And although it is rather late in the day (1969), we must publish to put things in proper perspective. (Read full debate @…/blackdwarf/index_frame.htm)
    see: Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and SWAPO – @…/inside-quatro-uncovering-exi… ; Inside Quadro: End of an Era – @
    The ANC’s split heritage: totalitarian and democratic, @…/The_ANCs_split_heritage_totalitar…

    So, still in the DARK about JZ; Red Ronnie, Slovo and Mbeki and the PAST? Take another look at the material and GET REAL!

  7. Hmm, I didn’t interpret Sipho’s commentary to mean that racism is not an issue. It is a major issue here and abroad as white supremacy and white-centred culture still reigns, even in SA where we whites only constitute about 8% of the population and where we’ve had 23 years of a democratic, black-led govt. That’s how pervasive and strong it is, particularly in the economic sector. And this racism continues to have an aborrently destructive effect on our country, so us whites have a lot of work to do to dismantle racism, including those of us who ignorantly think of ourselves as “non-racist”. (This is not possible in our world, just as it’s not possible for anyone identifying as male to not carry male supremacy, even if very subtly, in their bone marrow.)

    I think the work of dismantling the systems of oppression in our country and world is vitally important and ongoing work. AND we should not let it obscure our attention from, as Sipho so clearly articulates, the urgent, imperative work of protecting our constitutional state.

  8. another interpretation: maybe black people lack the confidence to participate in the debate, attend the launch and speak out? This might be be a consequence of centuries of repression, but it needs to be overcome. It is not contributing to black self esteem! White privilege is evident in white self esteem. Whites have not been repressed. They are confident enough to attend the launch and voice their opinions.


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